MESSAGE
FROM THE CHAIRMAN
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Some Reasons for "Thinking about 2007"
This is the first HKDF Newsletter
that runs to 16 pages. It covers a wide range of issues
with a common thread: the need for fundamental reform in
Hong Kong.
Mr. Steve Vines puts forward a grim
view of Hong Kong as China’s new colony. Dr. William
Overholt and Dr. Christopher Westland also look at Hong
Kong’s shortcomings from an international perspective.
Mr. Chong Chan-yau gives a passionate plea to tackle
poverty and disparity in income. Dr. Lam Pun-lee examines
the alternative policies Hong Kong could adopt in
regulating its public utilities and Mr. Alan Leong tells
us how the SAR Government stubbornly refuses to listen to
rational reasons for a better way to do things.
"China’s new colony"
I could sympathize Mr. Steve Vines moment of realisation
of the "handover" when he saw workmen hoisting
the Chinese state emblem to replace the royal coat of arms
at the Central Government office on 1 July 19971 but the majority of
locals probably welcomed the "reunification".
I wished that the five-star flag had
represented a less authoritarian regime. But must we also
accept a passive view that the Chinese Government is a
tyrannical, oppressive regime that it is totally incapable
of changing?
China is capable of changing for the
better rapidly. And the Central Government is eager to see
Hong Kong do well.
The question is, how we do channel
the different and often opposing forces to a common cause?
Will we come to a consensus? Will we find the necessary
leadership and the political skills
that enable us to do better than under British rule?
Something is not working
Something is not right with our post-1997 system of
governance. Hong Kong has just installed a regime that
does not seem as skilled as the colonial administrators in
channelling the energy and disparate views of the people,
plunging many into passive despair or a ‘penchant for
protest’.
Members of the current
administration who served under the colonial
administration will vehemently deny that this slip has
anything to do with the departure of the British, claiming
that the Hong Kong Government had become independent of
Whitehall long before 1997. Yet, the political vacuum
created by a Chief Executive who prefers to defer and a
Central Government who has indirectly appointed him is
obvious. While Mr. C. H. Tung has the power to act but
took the role of a filial son, the Central Government want
to make sure that: "If we goof-up, it will be our own
fault!"
A common thread
Even David Ackers-Jones and the conservative BPF (Business
and Professional Federation)2
have put forward a proposal for turning the Executive
Council into a policy-making cabinet-style body.
As a Chinese national, I do believe
that President Jiang Zemin and other national leaders wish
us to do better than we did under colonial rule. To get
there, the HKDF believes that Hong Kong needs to come to a
cool-headed consensus on our system of governance,
particularly the post-2007 system which the Basic Law
leaves open.
Our defective governance system is
the common thread through the many ideas expressed by our
speakers. Hong Kong’s democratic aspirations clash with
the views of many conservative businessmen. Trying to
create a system that works for Hong Kong is the main
reason behind organising "Thinking about 2007",
a series of discussions on Hong Kong’s future system of
governance.
When Lee Kuan Yew says jump, ask
how high
Those of us in Hong Kong who write Lee Kuan Yew off as a
narrow-minded oppressor may not be aware of his political
skills and the adversities Singapore faced when he came to
power on the coattails of the Malayan Communist Party, but
the majority of Singapore citizens know that Mr. Lee’s
vision and political skills have been instrumental in
Singapore’s achievements.
Lee Kuan Yew has remained
unrepentant about his high-handed tactics against
opposition and the critical international media. And a
draconian Internal Security Act which is worse than Hong
Kong’s Public Order Ordinance still exists in Singapore.
But Lee Kuan Yew is not a fool and
his view that Hong Kong’s democratic aspirations must
not threaten China’s sovereignty is well worth listening
to3. The HKDF
is not suggesting that we should do as we’re told, but
we should take Mr. Lee’s cue and ask why the drive for a
better system of governance in Hong Kong and wishes of the
Chinese Government must become opposing forces.
From the "Thinking about 2007
Workshop"4,
we will produce a Green Paper which will identify key
constitutional reform issues. We have listened to ideas
put forward by leading academics from around the world and
we are aware of the consequences that would result from
different courses of action.
What Hong Kong needs is a broad
discussion and a consensus on how to make things work in
future. The big question is how to forge democracy, a
better system of governance, economic and social
development and the broader interests of China into
converging forces.
Alan LUNG Ka-lun
Chairman
1 Hong Kong: China’s New Colony, by
Steve Vines
2 The
Executive Authorities of the HKSAR, published by the BPF
on 1 November 2000
3 Text
of Lee Kuan Yew’s speech at CUHK, Ming Pao, 8 December
2000
4 "Thinking
about 2007" Workshop, organised by the HKDF on 21
October 2000 |